Articles
Changing the Religious and Cultural Landscape of the Northeast through Saffronization
Opinion | Articles | Pamreihor Khashimwo | 31-Mar-2025
Abstract
The religious and cultural landscape of Northeast India has undergone significant transformations due to the increasing influence of Hindutva ideology, often referred to as Saffronisation. This process, driven by organisations affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and political backing from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has sought to integrate indigenous and tribal communities into a homogenised Hindu identity. While the region has historically been characterised by ethnic and religious diversity, the expansion of Hindutva-driven policies and initiatives such as the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram has led to religious conversions, cultural assimilation, and a shift in local political dynamics. It examines the mechanisms through which saffronisation is reshaping Indigenous identities, mainly through education, religious institutions, and governance. It also explores the resistance strategies employed by local communities, including legal safeguards, political mobilisation, and interfaith solidarity. The study argues that the ongoing saffronisation process in Northeast India is not merely a religious transformation but also a political project aimed at consolidating electoral influence and weakening regional autonomy. Understanding these dynamics is crucial to addressing the socio-political implications of religious homogenisation in a region known for its complex ethnoreligious identities. This paper contributes to broader discussions on religious nationalism, identity politics, and resistance movements in contemporary India.
Introduction
The Northeast region of India, typified by its ethnic diversity, linguistic plurality, and complex socio-political history, has witnessed weighty religious and cultural transformations over the decades. One of the most contentious and understudied phenomena in this context is the process of saffronisation, which refers to the expansion and assertion of Hindu religious, cultural, and ideological influence over indigenous and Christian communities. This phenomenon has gained momentum through various socio-political mechanisms, including state policies, religious institutions, and cultural assimilation strategies.
The interplay between saffronisation and the region’s heterogeneous religious landscape is multifaceted. Indigenous belief systems, Christianity, and syncretic traditions have long coexisted, yet contemporary shifts indicate an increasing Hindu cultural assertion, often accompanied by political and social mobilisation. While proponents argue that saffronisation, fosters national integration and cultural revitalisation, critics view it as a form of homogenisation that threatens indigenous identities and the religious autonomy of the region.
The study seeks to examine the dynamics of saffronisation, in the Northeast, exploring its roots, contemporary manifestations, and socio-political implications. By engaging with theoretical context, narratives, and policy analyses, this study aims to provide a nuanced understanding of how religious and cultural landscapes in the region are reshaping. It also interrogates the role of state and non-state actors, the impact on Indigenous communities, and the broader consequences for social cohesion and interfaith relations.
Theoretical Framework
The study of Hinduisation and its impact on the religious landscape of Northeast India requires an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that draws from religious studies, post-colonial theory, ethno-nationalism, and identity politics. Several theoretical perspectives can be applied to understand the transformation of religious practices and identities in the northeast region.
One of the primary frameworks for understanding saffronisation is Srinivas’ (1956) concept of Sanskritisation, which describes how non-dominant communities adopt Brahmanical customs, rituals, and beliefs to achieve upward social mobility. Sanskritisation can be linked to saffronisation, as indigenous and tribal communities in the Northeast have, over time, been forced to adopt Hindu practices, sometimes voluntarily and sometimes due to external pressures (Xaxa, 2005). Srinivas’ theory helps in analysing how tribal groups shift towards a Hindu identity, abandoning traditional animistic or indigenous religious practices. This process can be driven by socio-political factors, economic aspirations, and state-led cultural integration programmes (Roy, 2018). A subaltern studies approach further problematises Hinduisation by focusing on the voices of marginalised communities. It reveals how indigenous and tribal groups, whose belief systems often do not conform to mainstream Hindu practices, face systemic erasure and assimilation. The concept of Sanskritisation (as discussed by Srinivas) is particularly relevant in this context, where upward social mobility is sought through the adoption of Hindu customs. However, in the Northeast, this process often occurs under external political and religious pressures rather than as a voluntary social transformation.
Postcolonial theorists such as Said (1978) and Gramsci (1971) provide insights into how dominant cultural groups impose hegemonic identities upon marginalised communities. The theory of cultural hegemony (Gramsci, 1971) is crucial in understanding how saffronisation operates as a form of ideological dominance. Hindu cultural values are projected as nationalistic and superior, leading to the gradual erosion of indigenous religious traditions. By promoting a singular Hindu identity, Hindutva forces aim to integrate the region into the larger Akhand Bharat vision (Baruah, 2020). Akhand Bharat envisions a politically and culturally unified India, extending beyond present-day national boundaries to include Pakistan, Bangladesh, and parts of Nepal, Bhutan, and Myanmar (Savarkar, 1923; Golwalkar, 1939).
Gramsci’s (1971) theory of cultural hegemony helps in understanding how ideological state apparatuses, including education, religious institutions, and media, play a role in reinforcing saffronisation. The active participation of state and non-state actors in promoting a Hindu cultural ethos suggests a deliberate strategy to reframe the historical and religious narratives of the region. From a postcolonial perspective, saffronisation can be viewed as a form of internal colonisation, where dominant cultural and religious ideologies seek to overwrite local traditions in the name of a unified national identity. This echoes the concerns of scholars like Chatterjee, who critique the state-driven cultural homogenisation that suppresses pluralistic histories and localised identities. Chatterjee (1993) argues that postcolonial nationalism often constructs a homogenised cultural identity, marginalising indigenous and ethnic identities in the process. In the context of Northeast India, saffronisation can be seen as part of a broader nationalist project aimed at assimilating tribal populations into the larger Hindu fold (Baruah, 2020).
The intersection of religion and ethno-nationalism is another critical theoretical lens. Anderson’s (1983) concept of imagined communities can be applied to examine how religious identity is used to redefine the Northeast’s socio-political landscape. The Hindutva discourse, promoted by organisations like the RSS, seeks to integrate the tribal populations of the Northeast into the larger Hindu nationalist narrative (Chakraborty, 2019).
The resistance to saffronisation by indigenous groups, who view it as a threat to their ethnic identity, also aligns with Gellner’s (1983) theory of nationalism, where religious identity serves as a marker of ethnic distinctiveness and political autonomy. Movements against saffronisation, such as Christian missionary-led resistance or local tribal revivals, can be understood through this lens (Karlsson, 2003). Hall’s (1996) concept of cultural identity and Scott’s (2009) theory of resistance and hidden transcripts offer insights into how local communities negotiate and resist external cultural and religious influences. Saffronisation, while seen as a process of religious conversion, can also be interpreted as a political strategy to assimilate and control tribal communities. Foucault’s (1977) ideas on power and discourse further help in analysing how state policies and right-wing groups create narratives that justify religious transformation as a form of cultural nationalism (Singh, 2022).
From a structural-functional perspective, saffronisation can be seen as a mechanism that attempts to integrate diverse ethnic and religious groups within a broader national framework. While this may create a semblance of social cohesion, it also fosters resistance and ethnic assertiveness, as seen in the rise of identity-based movements and cultural revivals in the region.
Hinduisation Under Modi Regime: The Political Context
The political landscape of the Northeast region has seen significant transformations under the BJP-led Modi regime. A central theme of these transformations has been the increasing process of saffronisation, a phenomenon characterised by the promotion of Hindu identity, cultural assimilation, and policy shifts that align with Hindutva ideology. Saffronisation of the Northeast within the Modi regime’s political context, highlighting the socio-political, cultural, and religious implications. The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, an RSS-affiliated organisation, has played a crucial role in propagating Hindutva ideology by targeting tribal communities for religious conversion into mainstream Hinduism (Bhattacharya, 2021). This assimilationist approach of the Modi regime has been particularly evident in Assam and Manipur, where tribal leaders have encouraged such practice among their communities.
Hindu missionary organisations, supported by BJP-affiliated groups, have increased their presence in Christian-majority states such as Nagaland, Mizoram, and Meghalaya, including Manipur, leading to tensions and communal resistance. The Modi government has pursued a strategy of integrating the Northeast with mainstream Hindu nationalism. The Modi regime has employed state institutions to further saffronisation. The impact is evident in states such as Assam and Tripura, where state-backed campaigns have sought to promote Hindu cultural practices over indigenous and Christian traditions. Additionally, anti-conversion laws have been introduced or strengthened in states like Arunachal Pradesh, restricting Christian missionary activities and reinforcing Hindu dominance (Hazarika, 2019).
This has been achieved through a combination of electoral politics, policy changes, and cultural assimilation efforts. The BJP’s expansion into the Northeast, historically dominated by regional and secular parties, has been accompanied by an aggressive push for Hindu identity politics (Baruah, 2018). The use of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019 is a key example, wherein non-Muslim refugees from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan were given preferential treatment, a move that aligns with Hindutva principles and seeks to reshape the religious demography of the region (Chakraborty, 2020).
The Modi government has systematically used state institutions to further saffronisation. Organisations such as the RSS, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), and other Hindu nationalist bodies have sought to promote the idea that tribal religions are an integral part of Hinduism (Van Schendel, 2022). Educational curricula have been revised to include Hindu nationalist narratives, and religious organisations such as the RSS have been actively engaged in the Northeast (Jaffrelot, 2021). Besides, anti-conversion laws have been introduced or strengthened in states like Arunachal Pradesh, restricting Christian missionary activities and reinforcing Hindu dominance (Hazarika, 2019).
The political landscape of Northeast India has witnessed shifts with the BJP and its ideological affiliates making concerted efforts to expand their influence. Central to this strategy is the engagement with tribal and Christian leaders to advance the Hindutva agenda, a vision that seeks to redefine India’s cultural and religious identity. Political manoeuvres have also been evident. Tribal leaders supporting saffronisation, often do so for political legitimacy and economic benefits. Many tribal leaders with Christian backgrounds have strategically engaged with Hindutva forces for political survival. Many regional political parties with tribal leadership have entered an alliance with the BJP, facilitating the spread of Hindutva ideologies in tribal areas. The promise of infrastructural development, reservation benefits, employment opportunities, and greater political representation often compels tribal elites to align with Hindutva organisations (Dutta, 2020). The BJP has successfully co-opted many tribal leaders to further its agenda. Modi’s engagement with leaders of the Zeliangrong Heraka Association, an Indigenous movement opposing Christian proselytisation, underscores attempts to elevate non-Christian narratives within the region’s political discourse. Certain tribal leaders have endorsed the idea that their indigenous practices align with Sanatan Dharma, thereby facilitating the absorption of their communities into the Hindu fold (Xaxa, 2019). The centenary celebrations of Rani Gaidinliu, a freedom fighter and Heraka leader, were prominently supported by the central government, highlighting efforts to promote indigenous leaders who align with the Hindutva vision (Panda, 2022).
The RSS has actively sought to integrate indigenous tribal communities into the broader Hindutva fold. A notable instance occurred in 2018 when twelve tribal titular kings and many RSS workers from communities such as Gobha, Jaintia, Karbi, Garo, Naga, and Khasi shared the stage with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat at the ‘Luitporia Hindu Samabesh’ event in Guwahati. This event symbolised the RSS’s success in aligning tribal leadership with its vision, aiming to reinterpret indigenous beliefs within a Hindu framework. Such initiatives often involve reconfiguring local deities and practices to mirror Hindu iconography, exemplified by the transformation of the Rangfra deity among the Tangsa tribe to resemble Lord Shiva (RSS Attempts to Bring Tribal Animists into Hindu Fold Bear Fruit, Now+1NorthEast & Now+1).
Furthermore, the BJP government established the Department of Indigenous Faiths and Cultural Affairs in Arunachal Pradesh, which is home to diverse tribes practising animistic religions like Donyi-Polo and Rangfrah. This move is seen as an attempt to institutionalise and promote indigenous faiths, potentially serving as a counterbalance to the spread of Christianity in the region (Panda, 2022). The RSS and its affiliates have intensified efforts in the current regime to integrate indigenous and Christianity into the broader Hindu framework. This involves promoting the idea that indigenous animists and Christianity are part of Sanatana Dharma, thereby aligning them with Hinduism. For instance, in Arunachal Pradesh, indigenous faiths like Donyi-Polo Rangfrah have been codified with rituals resembling Hindu practices, including the introduction of idols with Hindu deity-like appearances. Such initiatives aim to counter the influence of Christianity and reinforce a unified Hindu identity among tribal populations.
The BJP’s expansion efforts in Christian-majority states such as Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Mizoram have encountered resistance from influential Christian organisations. The Nagaland Baptist Church Council, for instance, has openly cautioned political parties and voters about the rising influence of Hindutva forces in the state (NBCC Warns Nagaland Political Leaders Against Rising ‘Hindutva Forces’ in State, Now). In a 2018 open letter, the NBCC urged political leaders not to compromise Christian principles and faith, highlighting concerns over the BJP’s growing presence in Nagaland (Datta et al., 2023).
Despite the BJP’s efforts, the saffronisation, process has not gone unchallenged. The saffronisation process has led to increased friction between indigenous religious identities and the overarching Hindu nationalist project. Indigenous communities, particularly in Nagaland, Mizoram, and Meghalaya, where Christianity is dominant, have expressed resistance to state-backed Hindu cultural impositions (Longkumer, 2022). Protests against the CAA, particularly in Assam, have underscored the anxieties surrounding demographic change and the fear of cultural erasure among indigenous groups (Bhaumik, 2020). Additionally, the shift has led to a rise in communal tensions, with instances of religious conflicts and identity-based politics becoming more pronounced.
The BJP has made electoral inroads by forming alliances with regional parties and engaging with Christian leaders. This pragmatic approach underscores the complex relationship between political strategy and religious identity in the region. Critics argue that the Sangh Parivar’s activities amount to cultural appropriation, aiming to subsume distinct tribal identities under a homogenised Hindu narrative. This strategy includes promoting narratives that align indigenous religions with Sanatan Dharma, thereby integrating them into the Hindu fold. Such efforts have sparked debates about the preservation of unique tribal cultures versus their assimilation into a broader national identity (Bhattacharya, 2024).
Christian leaders face significant challenges, including restrictions on foreign funding and accusations of forced conversions. The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) has been used to curb financial aid to Christian organisations and educational institutions, thereby limiting their outreach and resistance capacity (Chatterjee, 2023). Furthermore, Christian leaders often face social and political pressures from pro-Hindutva groups, leading to an atmosphere of fear and insecurity.
Pushback Strategy on Hindutva Agenda in Northeast India
The rise of Hindutva politics under the Modi regime has altered the religious and cultural landscape of Northeast India, a region historically known for its ethnic and religious diversity (Baruah, 2020). The aggressive promotion of Hindutva ideology threatens indigenous identities, local traditions, and the secular fabric of the region. To counter this, a multi-pronged strategy incorporating legal, political, social, and grassroots activism is required.
A key strategy to counter Hindutva influence is reinforcing constitutional protections under Articles 25-30, which guarantee religious and cultural rights (Bhattacharya, 2021). Legal advocacy groups and civil society organisations should challenge policies such as the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which discriminates against religious minorities (Chakraborty, 2020). Strengthening the Sixth Schedule protections and advocating for greater autonomy under Article 371A-H can help safeguard Indigenous communities from forced assimilation.
Political resistance is crucial in neutralising the Hindutva agenda. Regional parties such as the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), National People’s Party (NPP), Mizoram National Front (MNF), Zoram People’s Movement (ZPM), Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP), Naga People’s Front (NPF), and others must form alliances to resist the BJP’s expansionist policies (Goswami, 2019). Mobilising voters around issues of indigenous identity and secularism can counter the saffronisation of local politics. The revival of indigenous political forums and youth engagement in policy-making can foster a strong regional identity against Hindutva penetration. Local communities in the region must reclaim their cultural and religious identities through grassroots movements. Indigenous and tribal organisations should actively promote traditional belief systems and resist the imposition of a singular Hindu identity (Das, 2021). Community awareness programmes, led by local leaders and educators, Christian leaders, and missionaries, should emphasise the region’s historical diversity and pluralism.
Controlling the narrative is essential in countering Hindutva propaganda. Independent media, local news channels, and digital platforms must actively challenge misinformation and expose the adverse effects of Hindutva policies (Sarma, 2022). Documentaries, literature, and social media campaigns focusing on Indigenous history and traditions can foster awareness and pride among the youth. Interfaith dialogue and collaboration among Christian, Muslim, and indigenous faith communities are essential to build a unified resistance against Hindutva-driven polarisation (Roy, 2020). Solidarity events, joint cultural programmes, and educational initiatives promoting religious tolerance can prevent communal divisions that the BJP seeks to exploit. The pushback against the Hindutva agenda in the Northeast region requires a collective effort involving legal recourse, political mobilisation, grassroots activism, and media advocacy. By leveraging these strategies, the region can safeguard its unique cultural and religious identity from forced assimilation under the Hindutva framework.
Conclusion
The process of saffronisation in Northeast India represents a complex socio-political and cultural phenomenon with profound implications for the region’s diverse indigenous identities. While proponents argue that it fosters national integration and a shared cultural ethos, critics highlight its role in marginalising indigenous religious traditions, eroding local autonomy, and altering the region’s unique socio-cultural fabric. It has demonstrated that saffronisation is not merely a religious transformation but a broader ideological and political strategy shaped by historical narratives and state policies. The homogenisation of Indigenous beliefs through the absorption of local deities into the Hindu pantheon, the Sanskritisation of rituals, and the increasing role of Hindu nationalist organisations have led to tensions between traditional indigenous identities and emerging Hinduised communities. Furthermore, this process intersects with political discourse, where Hindutva-driven narratives often clash with ethnic movements advocating for self-determination and cultural preservation.
However, the resistance to saffronisation from various indigenous groups also highlights the region’s agency in negotiating its identity. Movements advocating for the revival of indigenous faiths, legal battles over religious classification, and grassroots cultural initiatives demonstrate an active struggle to maintain religious and cultural plurality. Thus, while saffronisation continues to reshape the religious and cultural landscape of Northeast India, its implications remain contested. The challenge ahead lies in navigating this transformation while safeguarding the pluralistic and syncretic traditions that have historically defined the region. Policymakers, scholars, and local communities must critically engage with these shifts to ensure that cultural and religious diversity is not subsumed under a singular hegemonic framework.
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(The author is a research scholar at GISMA University of Applied Sciences, Germany. Views expressed are personal).
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